Immigration, Refugees and Social Cohesion

Starting Points

tick Immigration was important for the settlement and growth of Australia in the first two hundred years following European settlement, but is no longer the critical factor in our national development.

We are no longer a small country. We are now a middle-sized nation with cities that are very large in global terms. Over the course of the 20th century our average annual permanent intake was under 70,000 immigrants but today it is around 200,000. This is almost the highest immigration intake per capita of any country in the developed world, but it is no longer necessary for nation-building. Instead, it drives urban congestion, a crisis in housing affordability, a widening gap between existing and needed infrastructure, and decline in social cohesion.


tick Immigration does not increase per capita wealth. It reduces it.

Many small European and Asian countries with stable populations have steadily increased their per capita wealth by competing in the global economy and increasing productivity (Sweden, Singapore, Denmark, Malaysia). Amongst OECD countries, there is a negative association between population growth and growth in labour productivity.

Instead of joining countries like Sweden and Singapore, Australian governments have relied on high immigration as a substitute for competing in the global economy and increasing productivity. They have done this because our corporate sector is inward-looking, non-entrepreneurial and fearful of global competition: it relies on high immigration to boost domestic demand instead of competing for global exports. Economic growth that relies on high immigration instead of global exports and productivity gains is ‘false’ economic growth: it boosts the numbers for aggregate GDP but acts as a brake on per capita GDP. Our politicians mislead the country – intentionally and systematically – by not making this distinction.










In the past, Australian governments have had to import skills to build the country. We are now a nation with a large, diverse, highly educated and skilled workforce.

In recent years, many Australian employers have found it easier and cheaper to import the skills they need rather than train local workers. This has become a rort that successive governments have failed to check. A well-established system of importing skills has become a substitute for developing a proper system of vocational education and training. Most skilled migrants now come from non-English-speaking countries and tragically most fail to find appropriate work.

Successive Australian governments have failed to orient immigration policy to the selection of new settlers who will integrate successfully into Australian society.

Instead, governments have favoured settlers on financial, family reunion or refugee grounds. Post-settlement social policy failed to encourage interaction and social relationships across ethnicities and cultures, and failed to discourage ghetto-ised communities in localities, schools and workplaces. The result is a comprehensive decline in social cohesion.


tick The costs of integrating new arrivals into Australian society have been born disproportionately by communities with high economic and social disadvantage.

A clear pattern has been established over many years of systemic concentration of immigrants and refugees in particular localities that are characterised by economic and social disadvantage. Communities with the least resources, education and amenity have born the cost of assisting new arrivals.


tick Australia is a safe and stable country, and should generously offer a safe haven for asylum seekers and displaced people until they can safely return home.

‘Safe haven’ does not mean ‘permanent settlement’: there is nothing in the International Convention on Refugees that requires Australia to offer permanent settlement to those seeking asylum. Politicians have failed to distinguish between our obligation to provide ‘safe haven’ to asylum seekers, and permanent settlement. In doing so, they have misled Australians about our international obligations, and introduced deep but unnecessary social and ideological divisions over the refugee issue.


tick Australia offers education opportunities for many foreign students: studying in Australia should not be a back-door method of gaining permanent residence in Australia.

There is now clear evidence that institutions, employers and migration agents treat study in Australia as a step towards permanent settlement. This, too, has become a large-scale rort that governments of all persuasions have turned a blind eye to for decades.


tick Australia is a major investor in the development of our neighbouring countries, and should support the retention of skills and professions in developing countries.

We should not suck skilled professionals out of developing countries and settle them in Australia as an alternative to training our own people. Health professionals, scientists and engineers in developing countries are needed much more at home than in Australia.


tick Australian policy on immigration and refugees should be a matter of national consensus.

In the absence of principled and consistent leadership, government policy in these areas has become deeply divisive, pitting elite opinion against popular sentiment. This is unsustainable.

We support

1. A moratorium on the entry of immigrants and refugees to Australia to allow time for a restoration of social cohesion.

2. A moratorium on the entry of skilled workers to Australia until Australian governments, employer and employee organisations establish a comprehensive high-quality system of vocational education and training in which employers contribute financially to secure the skills they require.

3. A cap on student enrolments in public schools of 30% of students from non-English speaking backgrounds.

This cap give schools a mechanism for limiting the concentration of non-native speakers of English language in any one school (by ‘non-native speakers of English language’, we mean students where a language other than English is spoken at home). Because schools are incubators of language-based cognitive development and literacy, this cap gives schools a chance to eliminate educational deficits generated by lack of proficiency in English language.

4. A Neighbourhood Cohesion Program to:

a. offer a scheme of matched grants of up to $1,000 for street and neighbourhood-based initiatives which foster interaction and friendships across ethnic and cultural lines. The Program would match contributions from citizens for expenses up to $1,000 for these initiatives, on an annual basis. Eligibility for grants would be restricted to unincorporated informal citizen initiatives; and

b. develop a large-scale neighbourhood-based English language fluency scheme in which native speakers of English are paired with non-native learners of English.

5. Intensive English language remedial streams in public primary and secondary schools to eliminate educational deficits generated by lack of proficiency in English language.

6. A mandatory 30% cap on non-native speakers of English language in Australian institutions of tertiary education to arrest the decline in intellectual standards arising from large-scale non-proficiency in English amongst overseas students. Only institutions which implement this cap will be eligible for public funding.

7. A requirement overseas students in Australia to return to their countries of origin for a minimum of three years before an application for work or permanent residence in Australia is considered.

8. A Temporary Protection Visa to provide safe haven for asylum seekers and displaced people for a period of two years (renewable annually) until they can safely return home. The processing of asylum seekers and displaced people should be overhauled by:

a. permitting community-based detention while an application for a Temporary Protection Visa is assessed;

b. permitting churches, civil society and business organizations to sponsor asylum seekers and displaced people while their applications are assessed;

c. issuing applicants with permission to work, while sponsors (not taxpayers) would be required to meet applicants’ accommodation, health and welfare needs; and

d. closing detention centres on the Australian mainland and on Nauru and Manus Island as costly White Elephants.

9. Removal of rights to residency in Australia for immigrants and asylum seekers convicted of violent crime committed in their first seven years of residency in Australia.


3 thoughts on “Immigration, Refugees and Social Cohesion”

  1. I’m concerned about the declining standards of the Aust Broadcasting Corp. When I was a lad (I’m 80 NB) I listened to the ABC to hone my speaking, vocabulary, pronunciation skills. It’s now more correctly the “abc” – no longer worthy of upper case! We must restore the essential coaching function of the abc for the benefit of not only migrants but dinky di Ozzies too! A migrant from a non-English speaking country, who had learned English in her own country, told me she had difficulty understanding much of the way we “True Blues” pronounced English! Since the previous CEO (Scott), followed by Guthrie, took over abc, Standards of Excellence have sharply declined to the point I’m sure the rest of the world regards us as highly uneducated. The entire management AND board should be replaced with those having the similar skills and experience you espouse for politicians – education, management, humanity, IQ etc. Their term of office should also be limited.

    Liked by 1 person

  2. The majority of this sounds highly reasonable, with the exception of a complete moratorium on immigrants, refugees and skilled workers, which sounds like exactly the kind of extremism you’re trying to avoid.

    I believe our refugee intake should continue at at least our current levels, although I see your point about safe haven not necessarily requiring permanent settlement. As far as I know, you’re correct with this, and *if* that is correct, I’d support our refugee policy incorporating 5-year residency visas with periodic re-evaluation for refugees who would also be eligible to apply for (but not automatically be granted any more easily than others are granted) PR after completion of their first periodic visa term. If you’ve EVER dealt with the immi department, you’d know that they don’t move quickly and are full of bureaucracy. Putting someone through that every 2 years means up to 6 months or more of every 2 year period is focused on keeping immi happy. That’s too great a load for someone who’s fled strife and is trying to get on their feet.

    Also, there are some absolutely international-world-class workers who want to come in — very high end academics and scientists, very senior IT workers and managers, extremely accomplished athletes, etc., who should still be allowed in whilst we figure out what to do about the rest of the “skilled” immigrants. These world-class people singlehandedly bring benefits to the Australian economy — and usually to upskilling of those with whom they work — far in excess of what it costs to have them here. However, the mobs of hairdressers, pub managers and low end IT coding drones to whom we’ve thrown open the gates should be told to cool their heels, pending an evaluation of how we’re going to eliminate the need to import commodity workers for these and similar fields rather than continuing to rely on importing them for years at a time whilst our young people struggle to get out of their barista and retail jobs into full time professional employment because they’re competing with slightly more experienced foreigners with lower salary expectations.

    Your points about language in school and in neighbourhoods are very interesting. It’s tough to do this without a stance that English is our official language. Right now, it’s only the main language by convention — likely because back in the day no one thought it was necessary to codify it because it was obviously the case, and today there’s resistance from the left and the ESL crowd to the idea.


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